from issue 43

Dispatch

The Contest of Memory

Stephen Osborne

Let us recall a Saturday after­noon in New York City early in the twen­ti­eth cen­tury: a young woman named Moina Michael, hav­ing been moved by a poem she had read that morn­ing in the Ladies’ Home Journal, finds a sup­ply of red silk pop­pies on sale in Wanamaker’s Department Store at the cor­ner of 8th Street and Broadway; she has been search­ing for them all day through the shops and depart­ment stores along the stretch of Broadway known as the Ladies Mile. This event will deter­mine the course of her life. 

Wanamaker’s was a vast empo­rium estab­lished by the Philadelphia Wanamakers in 1896 on the site of an even ear­lier depart­ment store — pos­si­bly the first in North America — named for a man called Taylor, whose corpse, dur­ing the fire that destroyed Wanamaker’s in 1956, would be stolen from its grave at the end of the block and held for ran­som. In Moina Michael’s time, Wanamaker’s was a Manhattan land­mark adver­tised in news­pa­pers as “eas­ily acces­si­ble from all parts”; it had already given the world Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer and among its mar­vels was an audi­to­rium of three thou­sand seats, in which pub­lic lec­tures given by a man known as Doctor Dixon, Director of Wanamaker’s Education Bureau, included lantern slides depict­ing a series of “Expeditions to the American Indian” intended to pre­serve the mem­ory of a so-called van­ish­ing race. In 1912 Wanamaker’s achieved ascen­dancy among depart­ment stores when the leg­end emerged that the Marconi wire­less set on Wanamaker’s top floor had been the first to receive intel­li­gence, in Morse code, of the sink­ing of the Titanic. In a story fab­ri­cated by David Sarnoff (who became head of rca and founder of nbc) and repro­duced in Volume 2 of the Encyclopedia Americana, Wanamaker’s wire­less oper­a­tor (Sarnoff him­self) had been “the nation’s only link with the scene of the heart rend­ing disaster.” 

But now it was a Saturday in November, and the year was 1918; in two days the night­mare of the Great War (from which the world has yet to awaken) would pause for an armistice that would last for twenty years. Later that evening, Moina Michael dis­trib­uted her newly found silk pop­pies among a gath­er­ing of friends to whom she also gave copies of the poem that had inspired her search: a son­net of thir­teen lines that opened with an image of pop­pies blow­ing, or grow­ing, as we try to recall the lines now, between crosses row on row, and then some­thing down below. The title of the poem, which is remem­bered today in frag­ments by gen­er­a­tions of school­child­ren and for­mer school­child­ren, was “In Flanders Fields,” and its author’s name, less well remem­bered, was John McCrae. 

Such was the gen­e­sis, and “the con­sum­ma­tion” (as Moina Michael would later express it), of what she called “the Flanders Fields Memorial Poppy,” the artif­i­cal flower that many of us wear fas­tened to our coats dur­ing the first weeks of November. By giv­ing mate­r­ial form to an image in a poem, Moina Michael had given the world a way of mark­ing and of mask­ing the incom­pre­hen­si­ble destruc­tion of human life set in motion in Europe in 1914. Such a sim­ple act required a com­plex trans­for­ma­tion: the poppy, tra­di­tional sym­bol of for­get­ful­ness and dream­ing, had to be sub­sumed into the iconog­ra­phy of chivalry and made to rep­re­sent its own con­tra­dic­tion: now the blood red blos­som would bespeak the promise never bro­ken, duty never neglected, remem­brance never dimmed: it had been trans­formed into a pledge of fidelity. It is a mark of her naïveté and her strength of mind that Moina Michael was to suc­ceed in her project, and thereby, per­haps unwit­tingly, add another link to a lit­er­ary tra­di­tion first described by Jorge Luis Borges in a Buenos Aires news­pa­per in 1945. 

At the end of the eigh­teenth cen­tury, Samuel Coleridge posed the fan­ci­ful ques­tion that Borges reminds us of 200 years later: “If a man could pass through Paradise and have a flower pre­sented to him as a pledge that his soul had really been there, and if he found that flower in his hand when he awoke — Ay! — and what then?” H. G. Wells quoted Coleridge in the epi­graph to his novel The Time Machine in the year that Wanamaker’s was build­ing its New York store, and Wells gave his time trav­eller, far in the future, pre­cisely the flower pos­tu­lated by Coleridge: he has it still in his hand when he recov­ers con­scious­ness after crash-landing in the present at the end of the novel. 

What would Coleridge’s flower have been? We recall that Coleridge had him­self already expe­ri­enced a dream such as he pro­posed in his fan­ci­ful ques­tion, a dream induced by opium, in which “Kubla Khan,” his great unfin­ished poem, was given to him in its entirety: when he awoke, he had the whole work of some three hun­dred lines in his head, and had merely to write them out. After fifty lines or so (begin­ning with “In Xanadu did Kubla Khan”), a vis­i­tor knocked on his door, and Coleridge made the mis­take of get­ting up to see who it was (“a per­son from Porlock,” he would later say). The remain­der of the poem van­ished from his mem­ory; only the frag­ment, with its stately plea­sure domes and cav­erns mea­sure­less to man, remains, a glimpse of par­adise, per­haps: cer­tainly a pal­pa­ble token of a dream, pos­si­bly a pledge. 

Now we begin to per­ceive another stage in the evo­lu­tion of Coleridge’s flower. The author of “In Flanders Fields” stud­ied med­i­cine at McGill University, where he became a mem­ber of the Pen and Pencil Club, a group of artists and writ­ers who met in a stu­dio and once a year ate a cer­e­mo­nial sup­per, at which (we are told by his edi­tor in a mem­oir enti­tled “An Essay in Character”) a man named Harris sang a song. John McCrae was the issue of a mil­i­tary fam­ily; he had always had war in his future. He went to South Africa as an artillery offi­cer to fight for the Empire against the Boers, and in February of 1900 met Rudyard Kipling, who told McCrae that he talked “like a Winnipegger.” From his let­ters emerges the fig­ure of a man who loved horses, dogs and fox hunt­ing. His poems, some of which appeared in the University Magazine, might be called works of sturdy ver­si­fi­ca­tion: he was not afraid to com­pare Quebec to Helen of Troy; his poem on the Battle of Trafalgar con­tains this line: “rang the cheers of men that con­quered, ran the blood of men that died”; and often he speaks for the unfor­tu­nate dead, on whose behalf he says (in a poem called “The Unconquered Dead”): “Not to us the blame of them that flee, of them that basely yield.” 

“In Flanders Fields” was com­posed in 1915 on a bat­tle­field in Belgium, after the death of a young lieu­tenant who was blown up by an incom­ing shell. The lieu­tenant had been a friend of John McCrae’s, and that evening McCrae per­formed funeral rites over those of his friend’s body parts that could be recov­ered and wrapped in a blan­ket and put in the ground. Next morn­ing McCrae was seen sit­ting on the back of an ambu­lance with a notepad in his hand, look­ing out at the clus­ter of wooden crosses mark­ing the impro­vised grave­yard where his friend now lay in a bro­ken field of new pop­pies. Later he showed what he had writ­ten to one of the other offi­cers, and then he crum­pled up the page, and the offi­cer (a man named Scrimger) had to per­suade him not to throw the poem away. Later that year it was pub­lished in Punch, and within months had become the best-known poem in England: McCrae learned of its pop­u­lar­ity when he heard it being recited by men trudg­ing through the mud on their way to battle. 

The poem opens and closes with the image of the pop­pies that McCrae could see before him while com­pos­ing it: they blow between the crosses; they are a sign of sleep and for­get­ting; they promise noth­ing. But the dead demand a promise, couched by the poet in the jar­gon of chivalry: “Take up our quar­rel with the foe,” the dead say to us; “To you from fail­ing hands we throw The torch.” Here a pledge is intended and offered, and it is proof of Moina Michael’s genius that she was not moved to search New York for pewter torches on pins. These are the lines of McCrae’s poem that few remem­ber; they cul­mi­nate in a ghoul­ish threat against those who “break faith”: “we shall not sleep, though pop­pies grow, etc.” — in short, they will remain the Undead. 

McCrae wrote his poem dur­ing a pause in a great slaugh­ter: he had seen his friend oblit­er­ated; he had seen many friends oblit­er­ated. But of the slaugh­ter, and of what hap­pened to his friend in the instant of his death, he can­not speak (who could?): it was, as we know, a war with­out mean­ing, with­out pur­pose: all the poet can do is fash­ion an eli­sion in place of what he can­not bear to coun­te­nance: “We lived, felt dawn, saw sun­set glow,” he writes, “and now we lie In Flanders fields.” What is not present in this poem, or in the memo­ri­als erected all over the coun­try, is the moment of tran­si­tion between life and death (how did we come to be lying in Flanders fields?): the heart of the poem is an empty place: an invi­ta­tion to night­mare and a door into hell. The poppy that Moina Michael re-fashioned from a con­ven­tional lament of the war is the token that we can hold in our hands as evi­dence not of par­adise, as Coleridge had pos­tu­lated, but of a phan­tas­mago­ria of hor­ror into which we are plunged and through which we stum­ble as if drugged. The promise is now a ter­ri­ble one, and the poppy, with its promise of obliv­ion, is its proper emblem. 

When I began to under­stand what the expe­ri­ence of the Great War might have been for my grand­fa­thers, both of whom sur­vived the trenches, I was nearly thirty years old. One of my grand­fa­thers was already dying and he didn’t know who I was when I went to see him in the hos­pi­tal. The other was a fierce, big­oted man whom I had never liked and hadn’t seen for many years. I went to see him in Winnipeg one hot, mosquito-filled after­noon. We sat in his rec room, a cool dark place, and drank a bot­tle of gin; he sent his dog out to the store for gro­ceries. I don’t remem­ber if we talked about the war, but we laughed most of the time. He told me that you can always get eighty drops from an empty vodka bot­tle: this was some­thing he had proved “sci­en­tif­i­cally” when he had been an engi­neer­ing stu­dent, in the epoch before the war. 

Now I wear a poppy every November, and I think of my grand­fa­thers as I pin it to my coat. This year, in the wake of September 11, there was a heavy res­o­nance in the air and I saw peo­ple with tears in their eyes pin­ning on pop­pies; cer­tainly there were more pop­pies evi­dent than had been seen for many years; some peo­ple were wear­ing two. 

In 1926 the Education Bureau of Wanamaker’s depart­ment store exhib­ited a col­lec­tion of paint­ings and murals called “The Titan City, A Pictorial Prophesy of New York, 1926 – 2026.” It depicted a great metrop­o­lis in the sky: rib­bons of high­way high above the ground, flocks of air­ships mov­ing among the spires. 

Today we peer into this dream of the future, look­ing for a sign and find­ing none: we see only a vast city in the air. Perhaps we are not there, in the dream.